The most tempting thing to do now is to despair, to decide that there is no longer a chance and that there is no sense in investing time and effort only to see our hearts break again. There are so many reasons to despair, and they are there at our fingertips: the hostages held by Hamas, who are slowly dying away; the disastrous war waged by the Netanyahu government in Gaza and its yearning to open more battlefronts, in northern Israel and in Iran; seeing how complicated and delicate the situation is; watching the government, which is supposed to be there for us to carefully navigate these stormy waters, look primarily after itself as it continues to promote a regime revolution and the annexation of the Occupied Territories, ignoring the threat of international sanctions and blind to the price that Israelis have been paying for its blunders.

It is so tempting to give up. Indeed, all the objective reasons are there, amplified by a huge campaign to sway hearts and minds by constantly drilling into our heads that it is a lost cause, that there is no point to it, that it is best to stay home, and that “the people are with us.” These are all lies! No doubt the situation is complex and dangerous, but “the people” are not with this government, nor do they buy into its delusions of tyranny, annexation, and despair. I’ve taken part in public and political struggles in this country all my life, against rivals that worked hard to sell despair every time. There is no point, they would whisper, you’ve lost the fight.

A year ago, Israel was the envy of the Western world. Our determined struggle to stop the regime revolution was a subject of admiration all over the world. People watched in awe as Israelis took to the streets, confronted police brutality, right-wing violence, torrents of verbal abuse, and attempts to run over demonstrators, but never flinched as they realized that they were an unbeatable force that could not be driven into despair.

At the time I founded Zulat, an independent action think tank that seeks to promote policies of equality and human rights, there was no regime revolution or war. However, the slippery slope was already visible then, clearly showing that we were headed to a dangerous place and that we had to stop the downslide.

Zulat set itself the goal of identifying and rectifying problems and distortions in our reality, to provide tools, know-how, and expertise to senior political actors by submitting opinions, position papers, research and policy proposals, and to take part in policymaking discussions and in the public discourse. Quite a few eyebrows were raised when we argued that change could not come solely from the Knesset, but I believe today more people understand what we meant back then. The opposition in the Knesset has been emasculated for years, and is now one of the weakest in the democratic world. The Knesset is important and so is legislation, but a conscientious and active civil society that knows what it is fighting for is much more important.

The conservative side of the political spectrum realized as much long before we did. They founded research institutes and think tanks, Kohelet Forum the most prominent of them, to present their reactionary vision to Knesset members, government ministers, civil servants, and public opinion influencers. Zulat did not set out to deceive the public or to propose a revolution. We believe in results and think that the best way to go about achieving them is to connect advocacy, quality research, a strong civil society, and ideological MKs.

We in Zulat believe that language shapes reality, and despair is neither an agenda nor a divine decree. In Israel’s case, despair is an emotion that this government works night and day to induce and reinforce. We don’t believe in despair. We deserve more, and we can achieve more. It is precisely at this low point that we must look to the future and set a goal.

The current government wants to eat away at our rights, but we will work hard to bring back the Declaration of Independence guaranteeing these rights into the public arena. At the moment, in the face of war, economic recession, and fear for the fate of our country, it is difficult to talk seriously about the day after. However, the day after is no fantasy but rather a basic realization that unless we ascertain the kind of country we want to see here, we will not be able to strive for it. We know very well the kind of country that Bezalel Smotrich, Itamar Ben-Gvir, and Binyamin Netanyahu want to see. We have an alternative vision.

We have undertaken a challenging task: to convince Israeli decisionmakers and public opinion influencers that a different future is possible. I was born in the Soviet Union, possibly the worst dictatorship in human history and undoubtedly one of the most murderous. Back in 1985, US Intelligence estimated that it would still be around for decades, yet it collapsed four years later, was officially pronounced dead in 1991, and is a distant memory today.

Everything is possible. It’s up to us. It all depends on our belief in ourselves, our ability to get our act together and work in an orderly and serious fashion. This government will not force me to give up my home and everything this home can be. To paraphrase Napoleon Bonaparte, reject despair and it will shift to your rivals.