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As part of the government’s effort to weaken democracy in Israel, Communications Minister Shlomo Karhi has been trying for the past two years to promote a series of laws seeking to impose restrictions on the free media in order to turn it into a submissive and disciplined body on the one hand, and to re-regulate the media market and subordinate it to economic and political interests on the other.
This document takes a comparative perspective of the harm to the free media under Netanyahu’s government in relation to the democratic erosion in Hungary under Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, who successfully seized control of the media not with blatant repression but with indirect means. The current state of the media in Israel is examined according to the following criteria:
- Delegitimization campaign against critical media
• Suppression and seizure of public broadcasting
• Extensive use of economic and regulatory tools to suppress opposition outlets and bolster sympathetic media
• Legal and economic persecution by means of libel and defamation lawsuits, and at times even physical threats
• Removal or restriction of foreign media
A systematic examination of the five main practices used to harm free media in democracies undergoing erosion reveals a clear and alarming picture. In Hungary, each of them has been implemented in full, creating media mobilized to support the regime and suppress pluralism and criticism. In Israel, although some of the practices are still in the process of being promoted and legislated, in each of the areas there are evident attempts to emulate the Hungarian model. Consequently, this review draws an unequivocal picture: Israel is following in Hungary’s footsteps, and the government’s modus operandi follows a consistent and systematic pattern seeking to eliminate the free press.
The so-called “reform” of the media, like the “judicial reform,” is not an isolated correction but part of a broader process of regime change aimed at collapsing the foundations of Israeli democracy. Just as civil society and the political establishment mobilized all their forces against Justice Minister Yariv Levin’s judicial coup, so too is a determined struggle required against the government and Communications Minister Shlomo Karhi’s complementary moves. The threat is not theoretical but immediate and real, and is accelerating without generating a major public outcry. The people and their elected officials must understand that, similar to an independent judicial system, independent journalism is also a necessary condition for the subsistence of Israeli democracy.