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This position paper discusses the steps to suppress anti-government demonstrations taken by the Israel Police since the Hamas terrorist attack on 7 October and the ensuing war in Gaza, and includes recommendations designed to strengthen the protection of the freedom of protest.
Since its founding, Israel’s legislation has included significant restrictions on the freedom of protest in the form of draconian provisions dating back to the pre-state British Mandate period, alongside extremely feeble protections of the right to demonstrate. A comprehensive report authored by Zulat (in collaboration with the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel and the Akevot Institute for Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Research), which was completed shortly before the start of the war in Gaza, surveyed Israeli legislation pertaining to the right to demonstrate and pronounced it a patchwork of outdated laws that leaves too many powers to suppress demonstrations in the hands of the police and law enforcement agencies.
It is estimated that 2024 will see a broad array of public protests by diverse groups, on such issues as the release of the hostages held by Hamas, bringing forward the date of Knesset elections, establishing a state commission of inquiry to look into the responsibility for the debacle of 7 October, the management of the war, national and personal insecurity in large parts of the country, the economic impact inflicted upon citizens displaced from their homes along the Gaza and Lebanon border and on the families of mobilized reservists, and more.
Given the shaky foundations of the legislation protecting freedom of protest and the extensive powers held by the Israel Police currently subordinate to National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir (who makes no effort to conceal his orders to the police to suppress demonstrations that are not to the government’s liking, in violation of the law and the Attorney General’s position), a categorical response is needed to ensure that the public’s right to exercise freedom of protest is upheld.
Therefore, Zulat demands from the Attorney General and the State Attorney to closely and regularly monitor the conduct of the police and the national security minister with regard to the right of demonstration, even if no petition to this effect has been submitted to the Supreme Court. As suspicions arise about political interference and standing orders to restrict protests, it is imperative that these senior officials fulfill their critical roles in the defense of the basic freedoms of Israel’s citizens. They must keep an eye on the police’s conduct on the ground to ensure that they do not selectively enforce outdated and draconian legislation that contravenes longstanding court rulings safeguarding the freedom of protest.
In addition, Zulat recommends to urgently remedy the deficiencies in existing legislation and improve the protections of freedom of protest as proposed in the aforementioned report, first and foremost, to explicitly anchor in basic legislation the right to protest as well as to repeal draconian and anachronistic restrictions on freedom of protest that have no place in the legal system of a democratic state.